本文檢視了一九五0年代以來的台灣異議媒體，重點放在一九九四年間大舉引發注意的地下電台。作者發現，雖然報紙、雜誌、錄影帶、有線電視頻道或收音機電台等異議媒體的內容，並不完全侷Fit在政治言論，但它們往往因為政治上親近在野黨派而招忌，尤其是在遷至長期間成為在野黨的文室工具後，史是引起國氏黨政府的取締與鎮壓。不過，作者進而論稱，這些來自政治層面的壓制，並非造成一九八0年代黨外政論雜誌消失的主要原因，事實上，這些雜誌，乃至於稍後出玩的影帶及有線電視，難以有效而持續發揮異議作用的更重要原因，或詐在於脫握的市場力量肆虐，以及異議份子本身未能協調其媒體營運活動;參照這些歷史經驗，並考察海外多個團家的地下電台發展軌跡之後，作者指出一九九0年代朝野共同協奏而有的電波開放私有的政策，最後可能淡化進步份子使用收音機的異議效果，或甚至使其消失。本文的結論是反對力量、國民黨政府及公共空間的建構三者之間，關係應當重新模鑄。

Focusing on the burgeoning of underground radio broadcasting in Taiwan in 1994， this essay traces the genealogy of Taiwan's dissident media since the early 1950s. Itis contended that violent clamp-down by the state normally befalls these marginal mdia， whether they are in the form of a newspaper， magazine， cable channel， video or radio programme， once they began to serve as the mouthpiece of the opposition party， especially during election campaigns， even though the coverage has not exclusively been restricted to the narrowly party-political. Itis further argued that， in light of previous experi甸 叩開sof domestic dissident media and overseas underground radios， it is unbridled market forces and lack of coordination on the part of dissident group· ings， more than state coercion perse， that hold the key to understanding the passing-away or malfunctions of these media. As this historical experience seems to indicate， merely releasing more air-wave resources for private uses， a policy jointly orchestrated by the ruling party and the opposition forces in the 1.990s， may very well end up with dilution or even disappearance of progres· sive voices. The author concludes by suggesting that the political·theoretical relationships among the oppositional forces， the Nationalist government， and the construction of a public space as traditionally conceived be challenged and reformulated.