本文探究漢語名詞組的内部結構，特別檢視名詞組在不同語境之下，如何產 生不同的解讀。文中整合Hsieh (2008)及Zhang (2012)的看法並以其為根據，提 出漢語名詞組的結構應為：「KP > DP > nP > NP」，而不同的名詞組解讀，乃取決 於上述結構各層之中的不同區塊；本文認為，漢語名詞組具備四種「指涉」範圍， 亦即，光桿名詞身為N中心語，其内建解讀為「泛指」；若結構層中的Spec，NP 被佔用，則產生「不定指」解讀，因為該處具有IND-op (不定指運符）；若n中 心語或Spec，nP被採用，則位於該二處的DEF-op (定指運符）則讓名詞組產生 「定指」解讀；若D中心語或Spec，DP被使用，則SPE-op (殊指運符）將產生 「殊指」解讀，文中透過「的」之不同功能來驗證上述的看法。本文所提出名詞 組内部運符約束的分析，似乎亦可作為一句法與語意間的解讀介面，對於漢語名 詞組如何及為何產生不同解讀，在某種程度上提供了一些說明。

This paper investigates the DP-internal structure of nominal phrases in Mandarin Chinese by considering their various interpretations in different contexts. Following and integrating Hsieh (2008) and Zhang (2012), we propose that Chinese nominal phrases employ the ‘KP > DP > nP > NP，structure, and their various interpretations are realized by the assorted layers in the hierarchy. We argue that nominal phrases in Chinese can bear four kinds of ‘referentiality，that can be approached by a DP-internal operator-binding account. That is, bare nouns at the head N position are by default ‘generic，. If Spec,NP is taken, the phrase becomes ‘indefinite， because the IND-op (indefinite operator) serves at this position. If head n or Spec,nP is taken, the DEF-op (definite operator) renders the reading ‘definite， for this operator can be found both at the head and the spec positions of nP. The SPE-op (specific operator) works at head D as well as at Spec,DP, and a nominal phrase is ‘specific， if either one of these two spots is taken. We test the proposed structure by looking into the miscellaneous functions of de. With the possibility that the DP-internal operator-binding mechanism works as a syntax-semantic interface, the scheme seems to offer a working analysis in terms of the referentiality interpretations for nominal phrases in Mandarin Chinese.