迄今延續近30 年的蘭嶼達悟族反核廢運動，是一場糾結於環境運 動與原住民運動之間的抗爭。從1987 年到2002 年，行動者以族群正 義為號召動員群眾；到了2011 年起新一波的抗爭，則是轉為環境權的 論述。本文從社會運動的構框（framing）出發，分析反核廢運動的框 架設定、移轉過程與機制，特別是從世代的觀點與外部情境的變化切 入分析。透過歷年來反核廢運動發出的宣言、聲明、新聞稿等文件， 以及對三代運動核心分子的訪談，本文論證了在主導框架移轉下，運 動的框架設定亦隨之改變：舊運動將核廢料問題診斷為殖民主義，其 預後則是自治，並以滅族作為動機框架召喚族人參與；而新運動以環 境權為診斷框架，其預後框架為非核家園，其動機框架則是愛蘭嶼。 這個論述的改變與幾個因素有關：世代間的競爭、原運與反核運動的 消長、蘭嶼的社會經濟結構變遷。然而它亦具有一定的延續性，即在 運動的過程中建構達悟族的集體認同，使得原先民族主義的理想獲得 實踐，轉而採取環境論述，以重振內部動員並擴大對外結盟。

The Tao anti-nuclear waste movement has been entangled between environmental movement and aboriginal movement over the past three decade. From 1987 to 2002, ethnic justice had been used to mobilize potential participants. Since 2011, however, the master frame has transformed to the right to environment. This article adopts framing theory to examine such transformation and the mechanisms behind it. In particular, it emphasizes the importance of generational differences and social contexts. In the past, the diagnostic frame, prognostic frame and motivational frame were colonialism, autonomy and ethnic extinction, respectively; since2011, those frames have become environmental rights, no nukes and localism. This reflects competition between activists of different generations, the wax and wane of both aboriginal movement and environmental movement in Taiwan, as well as the change in Orchid Island’s economy. It also indicates that the goal of nationalism pursued by early activists has been partially accomplished though the construction of collective identity in the process. As a result, the right to environment is used to reignite enthusiasm for internal mobilization as well as expand external support for the movement.