本文以新功能主義理論檢驗兩岸互動，發現兩岸經濟條件的互補讓台灣與中國間 的關係日益密切，符合功能主義功能互賴具擴張性之預期。但兩岸出口依存度的懸殊 使台灣警覺，因而提出戒急用忍政策，表現的則是新功能主義學者所謂功能互賴造成 不平衡，促使政治行為者重新界定課題，因而帶來逆溢的現象。 台灣違反WTO規範限制中國貨品之進口，中國刻意從牵涉台灣業者重大利益的 反傾銷調查案著手，顯示的是兩岸政治動機使雙方政府各自選擇強化國内機構，而非 利用整合機構一WTO來處理交流所產生的問題。驗證於新功能主義所提出的過程結構 及整合潛能條件，兩岸間存在的多是負面因素，更不符合「不訴諸武力」的條件。由 兩岸各有算盤，互不信賴的互動看來，兩岸WTO共同會籍雖會使兩岸經貿量增高， 但整合的條件不存在，經濟未必整合，更遑論政治整合。

With the WTO comembership, Taiwan and China are bound by the WTO rules in their trade relations. The article explores the cross-strait WTO interactions with neofunctionalism to see if the WTO comembership will enhance the probability of cross-strait economic and political integration. The study, however, finds that integration is conditional. The current cross-strait WTO interactions show a patter of calculation of political self-interest and a deep lack of trust. Taiwan, against WTO rules, restricts imports from China; China initiates anti-dumping investigations, which involves major Taiwan economic interest. Both have relied on domestic agencies, instead of integration agency - the WTO - in solving their problems. Checking against process mechanisms and integrative potential proposed by Joseph Nye, there exist only negative factors in the China-Taiwan bilateral relations; and the tcnon use of force" condition raised by Karl Deutsch does not exist neither. The cross-strait trade volume may increase with the WTO comembership, but it does not necessarily lead to economic integration, let alone political integration.