儘管臺灣民眾近年來在民調中對於同志議題的接受度日益提升，然 而保障同志基本權益的伴侶法規仍無重大進展。此一民意與政策制定的 落差乃主要源自於政治菁英對於此一議題缺乏積極表態的動機。儘管如 此，已有研究顯示不同政黨的立法委員在同志權益相關議題上抱持相異 的立場；依據政治學習與社會化理論，我們將預期政黨對於候選人的議 題取向具有決定性的影響，是故民進黨市議員候選人，相對於國民黨候 選人而言將較支持同志權益。然而，由於直轄市議員的選制為複數選區 單記不可讓渡投票制，因此在離心效應的影響下，同黨候選人則應抱持 相異的議題立場，意味政黨在同志權益議題立場上將不產生影響力。本 文以 2014 年臺灣六都議員選舉為例，探究此兩種理論對於候選人在同 志議題立場表態支持與否的效果。研究結果顯示政黨內部的社會化過程 顯著影響地方選舉候選人支持同志議題的機率，除此之外，在人口變項 上，年齡較年長的候選人顯著地較不易支持同志權益。相對而言，選舉 制度以及選民組成則非候選人在此一議題表態上的主要考量。

Although public opinion in Taiwan is increasingly in favor of gay rights, there is no corresponding trend at the elite level and no concrete policy changes have been achieved. Based on the logic of electoral competition and political socialization, this paper takes the 2014 elections for municipal councilors in Taiwan as an example and examines the factors influencing support for LGBT equality among local politicians. Theoretically, although the centrifugal effect of the SNTV system motivates candidates of the same party to differ from each other on a variety of issues, political socialization, on the contrary, encourages a more unified issue stance taken among party members. The results of multilevel models suggest that there is little linkage between the characteristics of constituents, the electoral rule, and candidates’ stances on gay rights. However, both partisanship and age play an indispensable role. Candidates who are members of the DPP or one of the liberal parties are more likely to support LGBT rights than their KMT counterparts.