國族認同（national identity）是政治心理學研究中的重要議題。 本研究將文化及社會心理學中的「大我」的理論應用在國族認同中， 建構國族認同影響政治行動傾向的理論模式：「大我」認同和文化認 同是國族認同的兩個組成部分，「大我」認同受到文化認同的影響， 並和文化認同一起對個體的政治行動傾向產生預測作用。同時，研究 中還討論了理論模式上的兩岸差異。本研究採用問卷法，研究對象為 台灣民眾153人（平均年齡36.61歲），大陸民眾144人（平均年齡 34.86歲）。問卷內容除人口學變項外，包含自編及修改之文化認同、 「大我」認同、政治效能感、政治態度量表。結果發現：(1)文化認 同對於大我認同有正向預測作用、大我認同對於政治行動傾向有正向 預測作用；(2)台灣民眾的「身分認同大我」，對台灣文化認同和集 體政治效能之間，起了完全中介效果；(3)中國大陸民眾的「身分認 同大我」，對中華文化認同和集體政治效能之間，起了部分中介的效 果；中國大陸民眾的「身分認同大我」，對中華文化認同和政治態度 之間，起了完全中介的效果；(4)大陸民眾的集體政治效能，顯著低於台灣民眾。本文將深入探討認同對政治參與傾向的影響。

National identity is an important issue in the domain of political psychology. The aim of this paper is to provide a model of how national identity influences an individual’s political participation through cultural identity and extended-self identity. According to the theory of extended-self (or big-self, 大我 in Chinese), I argue that due to the intricate nature of nation and culture, the extended-self identity is influenced by cultural identity. As political participation capture one’s action tendency in political sphere, I argue that extended-self identity and cultural identity should predict the individual’s tendency for political participation. Data were collected using the following measures: The cultural identity scale, extended-self scale, political efficacy scale, and the external political attitude scale. Participants included 153 Taiwanese (mean age = 36.61) and 144 Chinese (mean age = 34.86). The results revealed that (1) cultural identity can positively predict extended-self identity, and extended-self identity can positively predict political participation; (2) Taiwanese social-identity extended-self is a full-mediator of the effect of Taiwanese cultural identity on collective political efficacy; (3) Chinese social-identity extended-self is a partial-mediator of the effect of Chinese cultural identity on collective political efficacy, while Chinese social-identity extended-self is a full-mediator of the effect of Chinese cultural identity on external political attitudes; and (4) collective political efficacy among Chinese is significantly lower than that among Taiwanese. The results thus support the constructed model. Differences between the Taiwanese and Chinese models of self identity are discussed. Identity and political participation are further discussed.