漢語有許多讓步連詞都源自任憑義動詞，包含「縱」、「饒」、「任」、「從」、「儘」、「隨」、「憑」、「讓」等，這幾個詞都發展出相當於「即使」的虛讓用法，其中有五詞還發展出相當於「無論」的總讓用法。本文觀察這組動詞發展為讓步連詞的歷史，並探討其讓步功能不一致的原因。文中根據賓語性質將此類動詞區分兩類，從而解釋諸詞發展為讓步連詞的差異，並佐以跨語言平行演變證據。本文針對這些讓步連詞的形成提出新觀察，並指出複句關係的匯通是此演變的重要條件，也是漢語讓步與轉折關聯詞的共通演變條件。文中也藉由動力模式的延續解釋本演變以及使役動詞其他語法化現象，說明概念模式的延續是使役動詞的共通演變條件。

In Chinese there are many concessive conjunctions originated from ‘letting without interference’ verbs, including zong, rao, ren, cong, jin, sui, ping, and rang. All the eight verbs have developed into conditional concessives ‘even though,’ and five of them have also developed into generalized concessives ‘no matter how.’ The article aims to observe their historical developments and tries to figure out the reason why they are different on concessive functions. According to the object these verbs took, they can be distinguished into two groups, and their functional distribution can thus be well explained. The cross-linguistic evidences were also proposed to support the findings. The article proposes new observations on the formation of these conjunctions and argues that ‘the coherence of sentential relations’ is not only the condition for their formation, but also the condition for the formation of concessive and adversative conjunctions in Chinese. Adapting the model of force dynamics to explain the polygrammaticalization of causative verbs, including the grammaticalization discussed in this paper, the article argues that ‘the maintaining of the conceptual model’ is the common condition for the grammaticalizations of causative verbs.