本文探討愛玉如何成為臺灣中南部原住民部落文化消費的符碼，及其與國家治理和資本主義的關係。既有研究聚焦愛玉的植物特性、加工技術與相關實務應用，整體而言，較為缺乏愛玉社會文化史耙梳，也無法得知愛玉作為臺灣原生植物在臺灣社會的生產、消費和接受過程。本研究透過日治時期與戰後報紙、檔案資料，例如《臺灣日日新報》、《高砂族調查書》等，釐清愛玉從「野生植物」成為原住民「經濟作物」歷史發展過程，並逐漸成為臺灣文化消費中，追求部落文化「道地性」食物之一。研究發現是：首先，清朝統治時期，野生愛玉已是原住民與漢人「以物易物」重要物資。日治時期，愛玉一方面是古典文人歌詠對象；另一方面，野生愛玉被日本殖民者歸入「林業」（林產物），作為殖民者在海外市場和博覽會中「展示臺灣」的重要物資。其次，戰後愛玉成為原住民重要經濟來源，在符應資本主義市場和國家衛生論述雙重邏輯下，愛玉成為消費市場重要飲品，同時，也受到國家衛生論述監督、規範或汙名。最後，在部落觀光（「一鄉一特色」產業）政策下，愛玉從部落的「邊緣物」，發展成為原住民部落重要的「經濟作物」，成為遠方消費者想像原鄉的文化符碼。

This article explores how Jelly-Fig became a symbol of tribal cultural consumption in Central and Southern Taiwan, and looks at its relationship with state governance and capitalism. Previous studies have focused on the Jelly-Fig plant’s characteristics, processing technology and related practical applications. In general, existing research yielded little description of the social and cultural history of Jelly-Fig, and lacked the studies in the production, consumption and reception of this indigenous plant in Taiwan. Through accessing the newspapers and archives of the Japanese occupation era and those after World War II (eg. “Taiwan Daily News” and “Takasago Survey Book”) this paper clarifies the historical progression of Jelly-Fig from “wild plant” to “indigenous economic crop”. It has gradually become one of the symbolic foods that are used to pursue “authentic” tribal culture in Taiwanese cultural consumption. The findings are as follows: First, during the reign of the Ching Dynasty, wild Jelly-Fig was an important commodity used in bartering between indigenous peoples and the Han settlers. During the Japanese occupation period, Jelly-Fig was the topic of classical literati singing; while the Japanese placed wild Jelly-Fig under the classification of “forest product”. The Japanese colonizers marketed and exhibited Jelly-Fig as a representative commodity when “Exhibiting Taiwan”. Second, after the WWII Jelly-Fig became an important source of income for indigenous people. Under a dual logic of conforming to the capitalist market and the national health discourse, Jelly-Fig became an important drink in the consumption market. At the same time, it was also supervised and regulated by the national health discourse. Finally, under the policy of tribal tourism (the “one town, one product” policy), Jelly-Fig has developed from a “marginal crop” of the forest to an important “cash crop” and “cultural brand” of Taiwan’s indigenous tribes, and has become an imaginary code of these tribes constructed by consumers from distant places.