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Taiwan Journal of Linguistics ScopusTHCI

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篇名 越南語右緣助詞không的左緣本質
卷期 22:1
並列篇名 THE LEFT-PERIPHERAL NATURE OF THE RIGHT-EDGE PARTICLE KHÔNG IN VIETNAMESE
作者 廖苡伶林宗宏
頁次 115-133
關鍵字 không否定詞否定助詞疑問句越南語Neg-to-C位移khôngnegatornegative particle questionsVietnameseNeg-to-C movementScopusTHCI
出刊日期 202401
DOI 10.6519/TJL.202401_22(1).0005

中文摘要

本文探討越南語中否定詞không置於句尾作為疑問詞的問句(VP-không questions),並為其提出句法分析。我們指出了Duffield(2013a)針對此種問句提出的謂語提升(predicate-raising)分析可能會面臨的問題。一,Duffield(2013a)的分析中並沒有說明謂語提升到否定詞không之前為何能將陳述句轉變為疑問句。二,Duffield(2013a)的分析無法解釋時制詞組層級的副詞(TP-level adverb)為何能出現在主詞和謂語之間。三,Duffield(2013a)認為主題標記thì無法出現在VP-không問句中,但是主題標記thì事實上是可以出現在VP-không問句中的。本文提出一套不同的句法分析,認為VP-không問句是透過Neg-to-C位移和餘留時制詞組(remnant TP)的提升而形成的。此分析可以解釋VP-không問句本身的句法限制,並且能為以上問題提出良好說明。

英文摘要

This work provides a syntactic account of VP-không questions in Vietnamese. We begin by pointing out potential problems in Duffield's (2013a) predicate-raising analysis to VP-không questions. First, it is unclear why raising the predicate to the left of the negator không could turn a declarative into a question. Second, Duffield's analysis cannot account for the occurrence of TP-level adverbs between the subject and the predicate. Third, contrary to a claim in Duffield's analysis, the topic marker thì is actually compatible with VP không questions. To deal with these problems, we argue for an alternative analysis which involves Neg-to-C movement and the raising of a remnant TP.

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