台灣的公共電視之政黨與社會爭議，必然與國際廣電勢力的對抗產生關聯，作者因此檢祝英德法義的情況，車調爭議過程的黨政及政治活躍份子之互動，而非其所逍遙的結構限制。以上四個國家的政黨對於公共電視，雖有相對固定的主張，但仍有相當餘裕，可以作為社逕團體的遊就空悶。與此對照，由於台灣的電視資源分配不合理的程度乏高，賦予其遊說者的空間亦吳大，但台灣這類團體起步較晚，經驗缺乏與規模較小，因此也就無法善用台灣的這個特殊情境。本文以公共電視氏閉籌備會在1993-94年闊的遊說活動為例，具體地就此記錄與分析，作者並反省近年來不滿電視聲浪的上揚，是否可能是新的契機，能夠提供未來台灣電視改造逕動以新的動力。

Political and social contest over public television in Taiwan should not be evaluated independently from forces strugggling for more just broadcasting order in other countries. The author therefore studies the UK， West Germany， France and Italyto shed light on Taiwan's case， in which process， more em· phases are put on how political parties interact with social activists than on structural forces limiting effectiveness of their effort. In comparison with more established party politics of above· mentioned countries， Taiwan's wea· ker party identites and less legitimate distribution of broadcasting resources do provide more spaces for TV reform movement， though such an advantage may well be offset by Taiwan's inexperienced and smaller campaign group. Operations of Civilian Campaign Group for Public Televison between 1993 and 1994 is analysed to illustrate this observation. In concision， this paper reflects if discontents with TV rising again in late 1990s could supply fresh impetus for future movement aiming at reforming Taiwan's television structure.